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In the last thirty years, America's built landscape
has changed remarkably. Urban, suburban, and exurban areas have
grown more alike, and more homogenous. People and buildings have
become more isolated from their natural surroundings. And all
around us we see more attempts to apply generic solutions to local
or specific conditions.
Writer James Howard Kunstler describes these
changes differently: "jive-plastic commuter tract home wastelands,
. . . Potemkin village shopping plazas with their vast
parking lagoons . . . Lego-block hotel complexes, .
. . 'gourmet mansardic' junk-food joints . . . particle-board
garden apartments rising up in every meadow and cornfield"
-- creating, in short, "the geography of nowhere."
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Jiffy
Lube on
Dairy Ashford,
Houston, 1996.
Photo by
the author.
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This project is an attempt to identify Houston's
role in this transformation of our landscape. This city is fully
invested in the mainstream economic characteristics of the turn
of this century -- global markets, multinational conglomerates,
massive government subsidies of selected industries, a weakened
labor force, "flexible accumulation." The growth and
development of Houston as a whole mirrors recent patterns of growth
in outlying areas of older cities.
Houston, specifically, is how most American
cities are growing today.
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Gulf
Freeway,
Houston, 1996.
Photo by
the author.
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"The post-war collapse of Elm Street and
Main Street," writes Albert Pope, "is followed by 'Houston,'
the production of an endless and anonymous sprawl of freeways,
office parks, subdivisions, and malls. This is the city that unchecked
consumer capital really wants to make. . . . the truth
of the matter, like it or not, is that by now 'Houston' is everywhere."
But if "Houston" is everywhere, what
does that imply about the city of Houston? What is the connection
between this city and the development patterns it seems to symbolize?
How could we possibly consider Houston -- or,
for that matter, any location -- to be the hometown of a universal,
generic form of development that is distinctly divorced from "place"?
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International
Space Station
traveling exhibit,
Johnson Space
Center parking
lot, 1996.
Photo by
the author.
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I think it is possible to imagine it: a city
devoted to the enterprise of making life possible in the least-obvious
places. In Houston, this idea predates the founding of NASA, the
building of the giant air-conditioned expanse of the Astrodome,
even the discovery of oil. It was present at the city's founding:
Houston, a real-estate scam, an artificial, instant capital of
an invented republic. A booming metropolis -- a great international
port -- just where it would seem most unlikely: in the middle
of a sweltering, soggy coastal plain.
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This project, Houston Wet, paints a picture
of this city as a giant war zone and laboratory. Over a period
of more than 150 years, Houstonians have fought steadily escalating
battles against nature -- just to be able to live here, in this
difficult environment. In the course of battle, we have learned
from our mistakes, developing and appropriating successively more
complex techniques with which to isolate ourselves not only from
the particular problems of this soggy land, but from difficulties
that might exist anywhere.
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C.A.
Webber and Coralie Roe watch the destruction of a portion of their
light-hydrocarbon lab to make room for a new laboratory building,
Baytown, 1966.
Courtesy Sterling Municipal Library, Baytown.
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Linwood
Street, Brownwood, after Tropical Storm Delia, 1973. The Volkswagen
in the center is parked on the raised perimeter road.
Courtesy Brownwood Civic Association Archives.
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Ironically, in other locations, parallel battles
have yielded building practices that we might term "appropriate,"
or even "indigenous," because they inscribe the particular
qualities of the region into the architecture itself.
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Lee
College Open House Tour, Baytown, 1951.
Courtesy Sterling Municipal Library, Baytown.
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In Houston, locally developed, regional technologies
have always been eagerly abandoned when more powerful, more generic
solutions developed elsewhere could be imported: thus ceiling
fans and the siting of buildings for ventilation have given way
to air conditioning; the paving of streets with shells has given
way to paving with asphalt; and local diners have given way to
fast-food franchises.
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Allbritton's
cafeteria, Waugh Drive, 1996.
Photo by
the author.
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The major strategies Houston has appropriated
and made its own -- and which I explore in this project -- are
the same strategies employed in similar, generic developments
in other cities.
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So how is Houston different from any other
booming sunbelt city? In Houston, generic solutions have been
applied so persistently that they have established themselves
as a significant aspect of the local culture. Here the attempt
to insulate people from the local hazards of any natural
environment has staked a strong claim as an appropriate, if not
quite indigenous, way of life.
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Allbritton's
demolition, 1996.
Photo by
the author. |
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Larry Albert
October 12, 2000
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Photos
at top of page: Flag at Rice Stadium, 1962. Courtesy Aubrey Calvin.
Brownwood subdivision, 1994. Photo by Eric R. Shamp. Used with
permission.
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